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For Some time now, “Somaliland” has been showered with praises both by the international community and Somalis alike. Not because it had implemented grandiose ideals, but because it observed one dear illusive phenomenon in the Horn of Africa - peace and security in the region. In the last twenty years, when Southern Somalia was mired in self-inflicted blaze, “Somaliland” clans enjoyed relative peace and a modicum of good governance. Some called it “an Oasis of peace.” Why peace survived so far in Somaliland? The answer lies not in Hargaisa, but in the outlying regions of Sool, Sanag, Cayn (SCC) and Awdel. There has always been a détente between SSC and Awdel communities in the eastern and western edges of the regions, respectively. That is to say peace came from the peripheries down to the center in a collective effort to avert conflict in Somaliland, lest peace is more important to the peoples of the peripheries, who often happen to have less guns and more good will, than those who boast to hail from the center of the power. Nonetheless, the communities in these regions breathed and enjoyed the scent of peace, blowing unbridled from Saaxil to Sanaag and from Burco to Buhoodle; the peaceful mind-soothing winds blowing from Nugal and Haud (in Somalia, “saxan saxo nabadeed oo Nugaal iyo Hawd ka waarta”) were provided to the clans of Somaliland by the deliberate observance of conflict aversion and coexistence. Commentators invariably hailed the elders and guurti of the region as the anchor for maintaining a condition some called the “absence of war.” This author, in a visit to Addis Ababa under the sponsorship of the Uppsala- based “Live and Peace Institute” worked with strengthening the guurti system, along with colonel and former member of the Somali National Movement (SNM), Cisse Guracte, Jafar Gaadawayne, Mohamoud Bayre, etc. as early as 1992. People in the North often got overenthusiastic, arrogant and became self-assured about how the north or "Somaliland" is more cultured than its southern half where the guurti institution is not as strong. Little did they know, what has been enjoyed since the unilateral declaration of secession by Hargaisa from the rest of the Republic of Somalia was nothing more than “the calm before the storm.” It now seems we mistook a temporary mirage for a permanent peace that soon would evaporate at the eruption of an open conflict in the Buuhoodle region. Alas, we knew it was coming. But when, no wanted to wanted to guess lest the consequences were bleak and painful. But, when they can no longer differ their wishes, the détente that so far sustained peace is about to be replaced with conflict and war. The beginning of the end is commenced when groups from SSC and Awdel announced their existential goals in order to be counted in the 4.5 formula, in which Somali clans supposedly get their representation in the nation’s political space, Hargaisa unfortunately goes crazy with its massive guns. Beginning from the closing days of the year 2011, both SSC and Awdel regions officially had joined the mushrooming local administrations formed in all parts of Somalia? Markus V. Hoehne, who is writing a book on the conflict in the SSC region, has recently shared with this author what the new map of Somalia looks like. Reflective of all the local "lands,” the non-official map of Somalia would soon register no less than 30 lands (Somaliland, Puntland, Jubaland, Galmugland, Khatumo, Awdel, Xeeb iyo Ximin, Azania, and many more than one cares to count them here). Whether this rush to local governance and the potential challenge it posses for the emergent federal system of Somalia is consistent with the so-called "bottom up" governance strategy is difficult to say. Yes, it is something; at minimum, it tells the Somali society that their once cohesive unitary nation-sate moving asunder, with Somalia soon to be written with small letter as in “Somalia”. Nonetheless, the goals for which SSC and Awdel communities revolted are in particular basically democratic at the root, and as such are in search for social justice within the Somalia framework. Somalis are, in the words of Ali Mazrui, magnanimous and as such like to share and forget, but at the same time oblivious to be "ruled" by their own rivals. It was in this context that in 1885 Sir. Richard Burton pronounced Somalis a “nation of republicans.” The import of this statement being one can only rule Somalis with their full consent. Indeed a lesson that the last President Somalia had known, the late President Barre learned too late and Ahmed Silanyo of Somaliland may soon do so. Khatumo State – Somaliland’s Nightmare All the structures of détente have changed on December 25, 2011, when the SSC initiated the Telex conference, a grassroots conference, to establish local governance. The conference also declared the political intent for the liberation SSC and its sacred unity with Somalia.
None other than the former Prime Minister of Somalia, Dr. Ali Khalif Galydh, delivered the dark and melancholic keynote address where he underlined the resolve of the conference's participants. According to Galydh, all that his people did was to have their say in their own God-given regions of the nation. He did not mince at the indivisibility and territorial integrity of Somalia. But Hargaisa does not seem to get any consolation from the words of Somali unity. On the contrary, in one opinion posted on WardheerNews by Jama Asker from Hargaisa, “formation of such states within territories historically belonged to what was known as Somaliland British Protectorate is virtually tantamount to a downfall of secessionist project in Hargeisa.” The question is whether Hargaisa’s premature action of taking up its war machine to the killing fields of Lasanod and Buuhoodle will bear fruit. In the first week of Januar 2012, the participants of the peaceful conference at Talex of mainly elders, intellectuals and local elders, after a robust deliberation, helped midwife "Khatumo State” [i]. Such a declaration officially and unequivocally declared political independence of SSC from Hargaisa. In response, Hargaisa retaliated by launching a disproportional attack on Buuhoodle and called off the détente between SSC and Hargaisa. What is scary for the region’s long term stability is that the mind behind the invasion of Buuhoodle is the controversial former leader of the Somali National Movement (SNM) and the current president of “Somaliland.” He had waged war in the past and seems willing to do so now with no remorse. For example, with casualties mounting to levels higher than ever before since the Somalia civil war erupted 22 years ago, all utterances coming from him is no more than a call for more war. Is Somaliland sliding back to an era of conflict and noticeable instability? SSC has been slowly but steadily developing to its current culmination in the creation of Khartoum state, mainly because Hargaisa’s defiance in hearing out what the other side’s vision for Somalia’s integrity and unity is. In 1994, at a highly watched Senate sub-committee hearing in Washington DC, Dr. Ali Khalif gave the most devastating testimony on the non-viability of "Somaliland," and boosted support for the territorial integrity of the Somali Republic. Following Dr. Galydh's presentation, the late President Egal came to Washington and secured an audience with the then undersecretary for African Affairs at the US Department and the current US ambassador to the UN, Mrs. Susan Rice. The meeting literally dampened Egla’s hope for recognition. By showing a map that depicts some of the major groups in "Somaliland," Mrs. Rice told Egal in verbatim that Somaliland is not one voice, but many conflicting voices. Egal, an astute politician, briefed the Somali community in the Beltway and shared with them his dashed hopes for Somaliland ever seeing the light, not in his "life time" at least. More pressure was also exerted on Somaliland by groups like Northern Somali for Peace Unity (NSPU) to not abuse the rights of non-secessionist regions. Is it that Egal saw the final words written on the wall as a result of the resolve expressed to him by Secretary Susan's realism that he felt all he could in the remaining time of his life was to maintain peace? Or was he an ingenious politician who knew war is never winnable? We may never know. What we do know is that he averted conflict and bloodletting for a long time. Since his departure, war and conflicts in the Eastern regions of Northern Somalia have to a noticeable degree consumed innocent civilians. In the words of Markus Hoehne, since the Somalia civil war, SSC residents have been marginalized. And, with the birth of Khatumo state, a vehicle for SSC to organize and pressure Hargaisa, Mr. Ahmed Silanyo, a controversial leader known for his heightened sensitivity and bias towards clan politics, could potentially cause much havoc in the region. Somalis and the world, including regional governments should persuade Hargaisa to stop the war. In particular, the Somali National State (killil 5) and its formidable police force, who also administer half of the border town of Buuhoodle and much of Haud region, may be forced to intervene and stop the bloodletting of innocent civilians. For their own selfish reasons, they may seek justification to just do that. Faisal A. Roble _________________________________________________________________________________ We welcome the submission of all articles for possible publication on WardheerNews.com |
