In African tribal communities, predominantly male leaders widely known as either 'chiefs', 'tribal elders' or 'communal heads' wield considerable wealth, respect, and power to an extent they have their rightful places in the legal and constitutional frameworks of their respective governments that give them judicial muscle to handle matters related to, if need be, declaration of war, restoration of peace, and legal deliberations,. Thus, they run parallel foundations that sometimes do more harm than good to the communities they serve and to the constitutions they pledge allegiance to. We learn from the history of slavery and slave trade how African chiefs played great roles in the selling and enslavement of their own kith and kin and how they selfishly depleted the natural resources that collectively belonged to those under their commands.

While chiefs in some peaceful African states spearhead social integration and coherence, oversee spiritual and religious commemorations and the observation of political stability, what boggles the mind is the sorry state of the devastated sparsely populated nation of Somalia whose sense of pride dissipated when tribal chiefs and warlords took control over its affairs beginning in 1991 when the central government collapsed leaving behind a big power vacuum.

Perfidious colonial powers created chieftains for Africans in the areas they colonized in order to divide-and-rule them and manipulate their human population and natural resources eventually spearheading institutionalized prejudice and discrimination, subjugation, segregation, and forced migration of Africans. Chieftainship, the trademark of leadership the European colonialists imposed on Africa and Africans is obsolete in Europe as it has been replaced by contemporary leadership and management styles. Rather than being true representatives of their people, African chiefs became instruments of the colonial administration.

In the aftermath of the First World War, Africans felt a sense of belonging to the British Empire as the British considered themselves superior to the Germans. In order to lure Africans to their side, British propaganda media referred to the Germans as “the most tyrannic, oppressive, and illiberal” colonial power. In Nigeria, local newspapers like the Lagos Standard, the Nigerian Pioneer, and the Lagos Weekly Record-as far back as 1916-unanimously condemned Germany’s use of brutal force in the African regions it colonized. African intelligentsia, whether based in Britain or within the African continent, also sang choruses of condemnations that were meant to elevate British domination and superiority.  The same Africans who sang songs in praise of British superiority over German brutality, came to demand Liberty, Freedom, and justice from Britain’s colonial administrators in the run-up to the struggle for self-determination.  

Depending on clan, dialect, region or locality, Somali tribal elders are known by various names. Most commonly and before the emergence of the modern state of Somalia in 1960, powerful leaders were referred to as ‘Boqor’, ‘Ugaas’ or ‘Suldaan’ which implied they enjoyed royal statuses. Ahmed ‘Gurey’ or ‘gran’ (the left-handed), a man whose identity and nationality is shrouded in mystery since he is claimed by several Abyssinian tribal groups, enjoys greater popularity among Somalis because he is regarded as the most powerful leader in Somali history and therefore is categorized as king and a religious leader. Most of the wars he fought were directed at the Christian kings of Abyssinia.

On the other hand, the man the British Empire nicknamed ‘Mad Mullah’, Muhammad Abdille Hassan, was a ‘Seyyid’ as he embodied religious leadership and not kingship. Mad Mullah fought vigorously for over twenty years until his sudden death in 1929 in the village of Imey in the predominantly Somali inhabited Ethiopia-occupied Somali region. Seyyid Muhammad Abdille Hassan had direct military and diplomatic cooperation with the Mahdi of Sudan; he performed pilgrimage in the Holy city of Mecca in Saudi Arabia at a time when few dared travel great distances; he received advanced religious education in the Middle East and he is regarded to this day as the best poet Somalia has ever had. Thus, his elevated profile, his poetic eloquence, his struggle for Somali nationalism, his unchallenged worldly adventures and his military prowess remain challenges for modern Somali men to this day.

Quite the opposite, men who play the roles of "Malaaq", an inferior designation commonly reserved for tribes inhabiting the central and southern regions of Somalia, wield little power and influence. Lately, Malaaqs have become popular in several central restive regions, in Mogadishu and its environs. Their large numbers among rural communities has hampered the effective delivery of humanitarian supplies by relief agencies whose employees often become victims of extortion, assassinations, and abductions because the types of administrations these Malaaqs oversee are dependent on the strength of highway robbers and armed hooligans drawn from a wide range of hardcore criminals whose livelihood is dependent on the subjugation of law and order. The scramble for land and competition for dwindling resources have seriously obstructed the powers of most Malaaqs who, due to worldly temptations, finally jump on the bandwagon to fully participate in any conceivable illegal activity as a last resort.

Amazingly, most Somali transitional governments collapsed because they could not receive the unanimous or collective blessings of the diverse tribal structures operating in the country. In some instances, some powerful tribal elders threw their weights behind the transitional governments of their choice. Others rejected them forthrightly because of differences of opinion or categorically refused to endorse any entity due to the existence of tribal schisms with the respective head of state or with his immediate trusted lieutenants. When the military junta was in power, Somali tribal chieftains or tribal elders hardly received any attention in the government-controlled media. They started emerging and receiving ethnic recognition after 1991 when law and order dissolved. For centuries, before the foundations of colonialism took effect, Somali tribal elders were known to have been ingenuous when reconciling warring tribes, when settling disputes among nomadic clans, and thus shouldered other heavy responsibilities in times of peace and hardships.

On the contrary, because of sheer greed and self-interests, today’s traditional Somali elders are treading on the wrong path with many feeling delight at the suffering of fellow citizens.
Mockingly, all previous reconciliation efforts blessed by these tribal leaders were either transitory or ended in confusion. Somali tribal elders have no offices to operate from; many are illiterate; because they are not deeply religious, they cannot be categorized as Imams; they are never elected by popular vote; all came to dominate the throne of authority by way of inheritance or through automatic succession after the eventual death of next of kin.

Since Somalia's tribal elders have a hand in the prolonged conflict, is it not wise to reduce their powers and the considerable influence they have in society? In my view, the era of tribal leadership is over and without a grain of doubt; I am more than usually convinced that tribal chieftains are the major cause of Somalia's two-decade civil disobedience and that this position of influence should be abolished whenever a stable Somali government emerges from the ashes of destruction. Malaaqocracy, suldaanocracy, boqorocracy, garaadocracy and ugaasocracy are make-shift leaderships that deserve to be sent down the drain.

Adan Makina
E-Mail: amakina@kc.rr.com
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