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Somaliland's leaders official visit to London
By Osman Hassan
March 30, 2009

Somalis in their different ways, as organizations or as individuals acting in their own personal capacities, had campaigned against all efforts aimed at dismembering their country. Much of that effort had been directed towards the British government which is seen by many Somalis, rightly or wrongly, as providing succour to the secession declared by certain sections of the population in North West Somalia. The recent official visit to the UK by Mr. Dahir Riyale, leader of the self-declared Somaliland, was only the latest act by the British Government offering political, diplomatic and economic support to the area, inevitably generating deep anxiety and anger among many Somalis, North and South.

The Northern Somalia Unionist Movement (NSUM), whose members hail from North West Somalia, and whose main constituencies are the Sool, Sanaag and Cayn (SSC) regions, was established to defend Somali unity and to confront the secession. In this regard, it had numerous contacts and communications with the international community and in particular with the appropriate authorities in the British Government. The last such exchanges between NSUM and the UK Ministry of Foreign Commonwealth Affairs relate to the recent official visit to the UK by Mr. Dahir Riyale. NUSM is deeply grateful to WardheerNews in putting this exchange in the public domain given the importance of the substance of these changes to the wider Somali public.
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Somaliland's leaders official visit to London

Friday, 27 March, 2009 11:18 AM
From: Matthew Extance
To: ohassanomar@yahoo.co.uk

Dear Mr Hassan

Thank you for your email of 3 March to the Foreign Secretary about the visit of Dahir Rayale Kahin to the UK and for the attached press release of the Northern Somalia Unionist Movement.  I am replying as Assistant Desk Officer for the Horn of Africa.

The UK position remains consistent with the rest of the international community that we currently do not recognise Somaliland as an independent state.  Moreover, the UK has signed up to an EU Common Position and to many UN Security Council Resolutions which refer to the territorial integrity and unity of Somalia.  Our policy has long been that the Somali people themselves should determine their future relationship and that their neighbours and other African countries should take the lead in recognising any new arrangements.

The leader of Somaliland met the Foreign Secretary on 6 March as part of his visit to the UK, where they discussed a range of issues.  The UK values its cooperation with Somaliland, acknowledges their achievement in creating relative peace and stability and looks forward to future cooperation in many key areas, including migration and counter terrorism.

The current focus of the UK is to support the new transitional Somali government in establishing a representative presence in Somalia with the aim of improving security and stability.  However, the UK remains committed to supporting development and good governance across the whole country including Somaliland.

Yours sincerely,
Matthew Extance
Africa Directorate 

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Northern Somali Unionist Movement (NSUM)

                                                                                                            27 March 2009
Subject: British Government Stance on Somaliland

Dear Mr. Extance

Thank you very much for your email of 27 March, responding to my communication addressed to your Minister, Hon. David Miliband, and regarding the recent visit to the UK by “Somaliland’s” leader, Mr. Dahir Riyale. Much as it is heartening to be apprised of your government’s “signing up to an EU Common Position and to many UN Security Council Resolutions”, pertaining to the territorial integrity and unity of Somalia, this claim is nonetheless contradicted by your government’s covert and overt dealings with the one-clan based secessionist enclave.

The fact that you have evolved, as you acknowledge, valuable bilateral cooperation with this entity, and that you and your government refer to it as “Somaliland” and not North West Somalia as it is officially known, or that you can officially invite its leader to Britain as if he was coming from a country separate from Somalia, and do all these things over the heads of the internationally recognised governments of Somalia, whether the former Transitional National Government or the present Transitional Federal Government, are indicative, separately or collectively, of de facto recognition of this enclave. It is difficult to see any other interpretation.

Britain’s pro-Somaliland stance is apparent from other perspectives. For example, it has never publicly acknowledged in all its statements and actions the country-wide opposition to the secession not only in southern Somalia, but, more importantly, by most of the clans in North West Somalia. It is important to repeat, even if it is for the upteeneth time, that among the five clans in North West Somalia only one clan has opted for the secession. As for the rest, the Dhulbahante and Warsangele clans, who belong to the wider Darood clan, and whose eastern regions of Sool, Sanaag and Cayn (SSC) constitute almost half of the geographical area of former British Somaliland, are totally against the secession, incurring “Somaliland’s” invasion and occupation of Sool region in October 2007.The Issa clan in Awadal region, bordering Djibouti and ethnically belonging to the same Issa clan in the city State, are opposed to the secession. In the case of the Gadabuursi clan, also in Awdal region, only a small minority provide lip-service support to the secession, not out of conviction but only out of loyalty for their fellow clansman, Mr. Dahir Riyale, for the duration of his presidency whose days are numbered as his defeat in the forthcoming election is highly probable.

It is very difficult for any Somali to believe that Britain is unaware of the clear divide on the secession issue among the clans in its former colony. It is for this reason they lump Britain with Ethiopia as the two countries that had been historically partners in the curve-up of the Somali homeland in the Horn, and who are now active for the break-up of Somalia in their different ways and for their own purposes. That is a, however, is a short-slighted policy which is doomed for if there is one thing that unites the Somalis across clans and regions, it is their opposition to foreign interference and perceived threats to the unity of their country. A good example is the nation-wide opposition to Ethiopia’s recent invasion of Somalia with USA backing. Not only have they failed in their mission and objectives, but an unintended outcome was the birth of Al Shabaab Jihadists who now control large parts of Somalia and whose influence is spreading like bushfire throughout the country. Their recent suicide bombings in “Somaliland” clearly show the reach of their tentacles and that no area in Somalia is immune to Islamic radicalism sown by foreign interferences and interventions. There is no reason to believe that Britain succeed where others have failed.

If, as you said, Britain respects the unity and territorial integrity of Somalia, and if its current focus is to support the new transitional Somali government in “establishing a representative presence in Somalia with the aim of improving security and stability”, then the best way to help it is to refrain from undermining it by dealing with parallel competing illegal authorities like Somaliland. Britain should go through the appropriate governmental machinery if it wishes to provide aid to any region of Somalia. Clear actions supportive of Somali unity, in words and deeds,can only dispel long-standing deep-rooted distrust of Britain among Somali nationalists, unionists and lately Islamists. Otherwise, Britain will remain part of the problem and not a contributor to the solution.

Yours truly,
Osman Hassan
Spokesman
Email:ohassanomar@yahoo.co.uk
NSUM
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