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Somalia : The Transitional Federal Government Can Succeed by Ali A. Fatah December 30, 2004 A Governor Abdul Jarrah ibn Abdullah wrote to Omar Ibn Abdul Aziz: “The people of Khurasan are a race whose community is unruly and verily nothing will mend them but the sword and the scourge. May I, therefore, seek the permission of the commander of the faithful to use them freely?” The Caliph replied, Thy letter hath reached me saying that the people of Khurasan are a community that are unruly and that nothing but the sword and the scourge will mend them. But herein thou are mistaken: for, justice and truth will mend them; therefore spread these among them and peace be unto thee”. -Tarikh-i-khulafa (Sayuti) We are not afraid to entrust the American people with unpleasant facts, foreign ideas, alien philosophies and competitive values. For a nation that is afraid to let its people judge the truth and falsehood in an open market is a nation that is afraid of its people. -John F. Kennedy Fair-minded people would be hard pressed to envy the heavy burden placed on the newly inaugurated Somali Transitional Federal Government (TFG). The TFG, headed by President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed and Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Ghedi, is faced with monumental challenges not the least of which is to get all the Somali factions—and they are many—to rally behind the new administration. Granted expectations have been raised greatly that if only a legitimate government took power the situation would so improve, perhaps miraculously during the past 14 years, when chaos reined in large swathes of the country, particularly in the south. With this as a backdrop, critics of all stripes are coming out of the woodwork to snipe at the government at every turn. The voices of the various critics may be different, but their message to the government remains essentially the same: “take care of my issues, first and foremost, or commit political hara-kiri . If this is not quite a recipe for disaster, it is close to it. For no matter how earnest and dedicated it may be to proposition of upholding the banner of national unity through a program of peaceful reconciliation, social and economic development the second-guessing of the TFG seems to be continuing, unabated. Thus the government should be proactive by looking beyond its critics' siren calling. For citizens who have the right and responsibility to do so as appropriate can mollifies by sustained good policies and deeds; the external detractors, though, represent a horse of a different color. In the final analysis, all criticism will end at the water's edge provided Mr. Ysusf and Ghedi, along with council of ministers, attend to the mission for which they have commissioned to accomplish for the Somali nation, namely to provide transformational leadership. In this regard, the TFG is making headway on several issues of critical importance. They include: 1) laying of groundwork for lasting peace and trust building (in a land where, for decades, suspicion and lack of trust have become de facto common denominators) and, 2) laying foundation for a strategic approach to effecting incremental redevelopment of the decimated national institutions—which are indispensable for a functioning society—again, in a land that had for years been racked by a political windstorms wrought by internecine, clan-oriented wars. Yet, the recent parliamentary maneuver that withheld a crucial vote of confidence from the first Somali administration in fourteen years—during a period in which the nation came perilously close to withering away altogether is indicative of the monumental challenges that still lie ahead for the TFG. In one of their more curious performances, the deputies of the transitional assembly recently insisted on following certain parliamentary procedure the result of which was a negative vote against the TFG Government. Such an action would ordinarily be laudable thing if it were not for the fact that these deputies themselves were not democratically elected; they were chosen strictly on clan-oriented fiat. No matter. In a free society (or one that is aspiring to be free) politics is sometimes a contact sport. Back on TrackIn the end, on this score, at least, saner heads prevailed. The TFG government is well on its way to receiving a ringing endorsement from the parliament with an overwhelming majority vote of confidence endorsing Mr. Ghedi as Prime Minister. This represents a clear mandate for the Transitional Federal Government to offer bold leadership to the Somali people in the nation's hour of need for clear direction and a better future. To fulfill this all-important mandate, however, the Government ought to act fast and decisively to be able take the momentum away from its detractors. Moreover, to succeed in its historic mission to remake the Somali national government, albeit along a more decentralized federal structure, the TFG needs to focus on tackling the monumental task of nation building head-on (even if it comes to lifting to placing one solitary brick after brick). Somalis already know full well that, at the moment, that the government does not have sufficient funds in its coffers; it may not even have coffers! Somalis are also aware of the need to organize a free society in which they—the principle stakeholders in this whole enterprise—are assured true partnership with the government to fully participate in all aspects of the impending nation-building project. What the government should not do is waste an inordinate amount of valuable time chasing after elusive foreign aid dollars, which if and when they come have such long strings attached (as to tie the nation in knots of entanglements that are inimical to national interest). Nor should the TFG predicate its developmental goals and objectives on indebting the country's fragile economy, which is for all intents and purposes teetering at threshold-levels. Pledges of foreign aid and loans from international lending institutions should, at best, be used sparingly as stopgap measures. To achieve smart development throughout the country, Somalis (government and civilian together) must rely on themselves by devising intelligent investment policies, including exploitation of the country's substantial natural resources. From systemic standpoint, it would be helpful to note that, while the Somali society is unique culturally and historically, its developmental trajectory is not unlike many other countries. Across the globe there are countries that have gone through devastating civil wars and ultimately came away stronger, and more unified. Others were able to manage remarkably well difficult transitions from ethnic or tribal-based relations to more pluralistic national identities of shared culture and values. We can learn from all of them. The Way Forward Somalia was founded along the European-style nation state model. At first, the pioneering Somali Youth League (SYL) and United Somali Party (USP) among other political parties were organized across clan lines. However, soon after independence, the centrifugal pull of the traditional, clan-oriented social compacts began to temper the spirit if not the officially sanctioned trappings of democratic governance. With the advent of the military dictatorship, both the traditional system and the fig-leaf of democratic process were sidelined to the detriment of the nation's historic social cohesion. The root causes of the brutal civil war and its disastrous aftermath can be traced to that era, when injustice was rampant and the rule of law largely inoperative. In those days, it was a commonplace occurrence for the government to punish petty thieves and appoint major criminals to high official posts. If Somalia is to thrive in today world, where the forces of globalization and resultant geopolitical seismic shifts are proceeding at dizzying speeds, then the TFG should consider adopting an open political system, including borrowing parts of existing systems, be they democratic or otherwise—and there are excellent options out there. The key criterion should be that they work for all Somalis, not just few communities. The temptation to punish real or perceived wrong doers and reward apparent good stewards of their respective domains, without due process, no doubt comes instinctively to most people, but in the case of Somalia (a nation that has been described by some as an extended family), such a zealous act must be recognized for what is: imprudent. Thus it should be avoided at all costs. This is not to undermine justice, but to make it credible by seeing to it that it works in the court of law, thereby ensuring its lasting legacy for future generations. More importantly, true justice cannot be divorced from mercy. For a compassionate course of action can be an effective way to supplant lawlessness. The pursuit of true reconciliation many not fully make up for the immense lost of life and national treasure caused by uncontrolled criminality on the part of the lawless segment of society, however, it provides positive opportunities for better understanding. On a grand scale, federal government officials should exercise due diligence in evaluating and, where appropriate, assimilating the best practices in federal governance from different quarters. The TFG can gain practical knowledge by investigating how pluralism—this means different things to people from different milieus—works for countries that had experiences similar to Somalia 's. Such an effort would allow the country to avoid political pitfalls, without having to reinvent the proverbial wheel. Aspects of the federal models of countries like Malaysia , United Arab Emirates and even Switzerland can be useful for Somalia . The Malaysian model offers differing regional governance in one nation that respects local traditions; UAE accords each emirate a full autonomy in carrying out domestic and investment policies; Switzerland , likewise, has fully autonomous cantons (states, along with municipalities) that discharge all public policies except for those responsibilities, which constitutionally fall under the federal government. These include: foreign policy; security policy; customs policy, and monetary policy. Finally, the Somali Government should not view the draft federal charter as a final product. It should consider actively fine-tuning it until such time as it works flawlessly in all aspects of national life under its purview, and for all parts of the country equally well (by anticipating and addressing the many, enormous challenges at the political superstructure level ahead). This will empower Somalis to build local their communities—at the places where they live, pray, do business, and raise families. Somalia is not a resource poor country. And, given a favorable environment, Somalis are an enterprising race of people. Yet, for more than two generations, since de-colonization, the nation as a whole is seen by many as the proverbial ‘beggar sitting on a bag of gold'. Clearly, market economy and respect for Allah-given individual and community rights, and respect for the rule of law will do wonders for Somalia 's social, economic and political development in the years to come. Ali A. Fatah Washington , DC
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