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The title of this article may sound way too controversial given the large amount of ink spilled on the idea of a free Somaliland that deserves to be a part and parcel of the “global community” as a recognised state. Recognition can be achieved; what matters most is if institutions that come into existence, will remain sustainable and be immune to seething contradictions that undermine Somali political projects. Another question about Somaliland is: Can citing the African Union principles on borders left behind by the colonial masters serve pro-secessionists or does it expose the weakness of the secession case?
Somaliland existed for few days before the amalgamation of Ex-British and Italian Somali lands—the north and the south-- to form the Somali Republic . The Union had its flaws. To date no independent study on the legal ambiguities of the Somali union has been made partly because our politicians were not mature enough to get the best from the system of governance we opted for following the depature of our colonial masters. Nonetheless it was far better than a dictatorial regime or clanism infested political atmosphere that could not be the subject of local media scrutiny. Conflicting Narratives Post Union political system angered prominent northern Somali army officials who staged a failed coup. How dissatisfied many northerners were with the political situation in Somalia is captured by the pithy remarks (Dawldaddi dambiill baa lagu qaaday oo Muqdishaa la geeyey) (Literally meaning the government was taken in basket to Mogadishu). This was a genuine, non tribal reaction from people who felt marginalized as a result of an unforeseen union with Southern Somalia . No Northern politician has carried the can for what our people have been through as a result of the union. Discussions about the Somali Union are riddled with half truth and conflicting accounts of what our opticians were up to as they finalised the act of Union with our southern brethren. For some people the NUF was mature party that could foresee the futility of union; we are told that the late Ali Garad Jama asked the Northern political elite to delay the union for a coiuple of months on the ground that the Southerners were more politically mature as they had two colonial experiences (i.e. the Italian and the British) while the North was British protectorate since June 26 1960. “Laa Yaa Garaad (No to the Garaad)” is how the newspapers reacted, goes the story. These conflicting narratives shape our decisions about whether we prefer to become an independent state or not. Sifting through these confusion is a matter for people who are keen on the idea of Somaliland state in which all people in ex British Somaliland can live peacefully. So far they have failed to perform that task. Pro-Somaliland commentators aim to point out the need to apply the African Union principle on the borders: “Respect of borders existing on achievement of independence.” Mohamed Ali Ibrahim (Sabayse) interprets this article to be in favour of an independent Somaliland . It is one way of interpreting that principle but it does not hold water if one applies it to the ex British Somaliland borders. Since the border was made by the British its relevance for any legal discussion on secession of Somaliland is open to debate. The legality of colonial borders in a country like Somalia that was colonised by more than one country is to be agreed once the colonial masters depart. The inviolability of colonial borders can be invoked when two countries are in a dispute over a territory. Against Self determination but in favour of secession Another analytic mistake that pro-Somaliland cyber pundits make is the labeling o f the Somali freedom movements for a Greater Somalia in 1940s, 1950s, and 1960a a wholly insidious endeavour. “My worst day was when the British annexed the Haud and Reserve area to Ethiopia ,” said the late Abdi Duale of the BBC Somali section in an interview in 1967. He was a Somali Lander through and through and a believer in the people's rights to self determination. Mr Mohamed Ali Ibrahim's reading of events in those tumultuous days is different: The dream of the Somali independence movements of the 1940's, 1950's, and 1960's was the ultimate unification of all ethnic Somali communities of East Africa under one jurisdiction by any means necessary. The undercurrent of this noble cause stipulated the creation of a racially and ethnically pure Somali entity comprising of former British Somaliland, French Somaliland (Republic of Djibouti now), the Hararghe region of Eastern Ethiopia, Italian Somaliland, and the Northern Frontier District of Kenya . (Italics mine) It is well known fact that many Somalis are living in territories under Ethiopian and Kenyan jurisdictions. People living in these territories expressed their desire to live with their Somali brethren, and faced punitive measures against them for being forthright about it before the Somali state collapsed. By discrediting the freedom movements one does not deserve self determination. Somaliland independence was not given on a platter; so many people have laid down their lives to see a Somaliland free from British rule. Mr Sabayse does not offer alternative freedom movement but criticises the freedoms movements that led to free Somali Lands. Self determination is an indivisible principle . If pro Somaliland writers can not sympathise with the freedom fighters of yesteryears, they make mockery of the Somaliland project whose history is rooted in the struggle of independence. Don't run pell-mell into marriage whether unitary or secession one The collapse of Somali state has taught us one important lesson: the need to be careful about being absorbed into political projects whose supporters bear unification or secession slogans. History can be repeated but it can not be rewritten. Pro-unionists use the rhetoric of homogeneity and territorial integrity; the secessionists use the nomadic principles of clan supremacy under the cloak of self-determination. O tempora, o mores! Ahmed Keyse Ali, London , U.K. E-Mail: ahmedkeyse98@hotmail.com
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