Was it right to remove SNM History from the Somaliland Curriculum?

Liban Ahmed
February 4, 2008

The furore over removal of Somali National Movement from Somaliland curriculum shows the challenges facing SNM supporters who want to see special treatment for SNM historiography. The Somaliland minister of education Mr Hassan Haji Mohamoud (Hassan-Gadhweyne) has reportedly justified the decision to remove chapters on SNM history on the ground that "the Somali National Movement struggle was specific to one clan, therefore exaggerating the struggle might lead to collapse of Somaliland." This is not a sound justification but the minister has challenged SNM supporters to argue their case without anger or feeling marginalised. If the response of SNM supporters is any guide, the ministerial challenge has not been met so far. Their response makes the decision to remove SNM history from the Somaliland curriculum plausible on grounds of clarity and consistency.

Former SNM leaders described 'the removal decision' as a ploy by people who did not have a role in the 'struggle'. "People used to complain about neglecting SNM pioneers. Today, the name of SNM is being removed totally. It will be a disgrace and unfortunate if the people silently accept such a crime as this, which is being committed" the Hargeisa based The Republican quoted Ahmed Mohamed Silaanyo, chairman of Kulmiye opposition party in Somaliland, as saying. Hassan Esse Jama, the first Somaliland vice president, echoed a similar sentiment. "History of SNM is imprinted in the blood of the people of Somaliland and cannot be put into oblivion so easily. Anyone who tries to do that will bear the consequence and it will go down in history as a negativity of his actions."

There are contradictions inherent in SNM's pre- and post 1991 history. These contradictions come to the fore in arguments advanced by supporters in favour of incorporating SNM history into the Somaliland curriculum. "To understand modern Somaliland you should first understand the history of SNM which founded Somaliland," argued Mohammed Dahir Ahmed in Somaliland Times.
The deputy chairman of Justice and Welfare Party, Adan Mohamed Mire, expressed dissatisfaction with what he regards as efforts "to label the popular [SNM] struggle a tribal initiative." Hassan Isse Jama agrees: "Somaliland National Movement was not based on clan loyalty; it was not fighting a clan. It was against oppression."

Historical evidence contradicts arguments that SNM supporters use to goad the Somaliland government into incorporating SNM history into the national curriculum. Those who regard SNM as the major organisation behind secession, fail to mention the SNM Political Programme of 1987 which states: "SNM 'puts the principle of protection of the unity of people and the land of Somalia 'at the top of its objectives." The late Abdirahman Ahmed Ali, the first Somaliland president and chairman of SNM and his supporters had resorted to campaigning for unity when he was voted out of office.

Somali armed opposition groups were clan based. SNM is not an exception. In his book, Blood and Bone: The Call of Kinship in Somali Society, I M lewis, LSE Emeritus Professor of Anthropology, interviewed co-founders of the Somali National Movement, who detailed how clan based the organisatsion was. If SNM is behind the establishment of Somaliland as some commentators have argued, is it wrong to argue that secession is unilateral decision by one opposition group that reneged on its constitution?

Like other clan based armed opposition groups Somali National Movement drew support from one clan. Its achievements are debatable when inconsistencies in the organisational narrative are weeded out.

Liban Ahmed
E-Mail:libahm@googlemail.com_____________________________________________________________________________

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