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Somali Perspectives: Institutional and Policy Challenges



The high-level seminar held in Rome on 6 May 2015 represented a relevant opportunity to trigger international dialogue on the future of Somali institutions and the security challenges affecting the Horn of Africa. The seminar was organized by the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) in collaboration with the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation (MAECI), and the Embassy of Italy to the Federal Republic of Somalia. The IAI library was the venue for a productive talk on the Somali perspectives, with particular attention to the current institutional process and security challenges. In the discussion, federalism emerged as the most viable option to stabilize Somalia after twenty years of conflict and fragmentation.

Rome Federalism seminar participants
Rome Federalism seminar participants

Nowadays, federalism is a fact in Somalia as the emerging regional authorities are compensating for the inability of the central federal government to maintain control over the territory, and are providing essential services to the population. However, federalism would appear to be an ongoing process; a specific model of division of competencies has to be defined and formalised in the complex constitutional process in order to avoid further inefficiencies and instability.

Another relevant theme linked with Somali stabilisation is the nexus between security and development. These two elements are connected, representing necessary steps along the way in the resolution of the huge Somali humanitarian crisis. A renewed attention focused more on development than on security challenges could represent the core of a new international effort in support of the Somali reconciliation and securitisation process. These two main themes, federalism and the security development nexus, were discussed in the two sessions of the seminar, with the participation of the President of the Puntland State of Somalia, Abdiweli Mohamed Ali, and the First Vice President of the Jubaland State of Somalia, Abdullahi Sheikh Ismail, along with scholars and experts. The seminar also saw the participation of a delegation from Puntland, composed of Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, Ahmed Aden, Abdikadir Omar, and Issa Mohamud Farah from the Agency for Minerals and Oil of Puntland, and a delegation from Jubaland, including Abdighani Abdi Jama, Minister of State at the Presidency of Jubaland. Other participants were Mussa Hassan Abdulle, Ambassador of the Federal Republic of Somalia to Italy, and Awes Abukar Awes from the Embassy of the Federal Republic of Somalia to Italy, Ambassador at-large Abdirashid A. Sed, political analyst Faisal Abdi Roble, and Kadigia Mohamud from Università La Sapienza. MAECI was represented by Marco Claudio Vozzi and Carlo Campanile. Experts included Palmira Ciacciarelli (Crown Agents and former European Union Stabilisation Adviser to Somalia), Marco Massoni (Institute for Global Studies) and Gianni Bonvicini, Nicoletta Pirozzi, Natalino Ronzitti and Stefano Silvestri from IAI. This report provides a summary of the meeting and highlights the key points that emerged from the debate.

The federalist perspectives: policies and prospects  

After the welcome address, the IAI Executive Vice President Gianni Bonvicini made the opening remarks. He thanked the distinguished representatives of Puntland, Jubaland and the Federal Republic of Somalia, and all the participants. Bonvicini underlined the great opportunity provided by the meeting to offer a renewed perspective on the Somali reconstruction process. He then introduced a general description of the current situation in Somalia. Nowadays, federalism could be considered as both a fact and an ongoing process in Somalia. The fragmentation produced by twenty years of war generated inability on the part of the central authorities of Mogadishu to maintain control over the national territory, determining the necessity to develop other forms of governance in Somalia. First, Somaliland declared its independence after the overthrow of Barre in 1991. Next Puntland established its autonomy, in 1998. Then, more recently, even Jubaland and South West declared their own autonomy as parts of a federal state.

Although these regions play an important role in trying to maintain control over their territory and to provide essential services to the population, there is a lack of formalisation of the federalist model, such as would define precisely the division of powers and competencies of regional and central governments. Concluding his opening remarks, Gianni Bonvicini invited all the participants to make their contributions to a positive and productive meeting, leaving the floor to the representatives of Puntland and Jubaland.

Read the full report: Somali Perspectives: Institutional and Policy Challenges

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33 Responses to “Somali Perspectives: Institutional and Policy Challenges”

  1. Mohamed Ismail

    “Faisal Abdi Roble pointed out that Somalia should adopt a strong model of federalism, leaving to the central authorities just the essential competencies. For the same reason, even the international donors should re-orientate their humanitarian intervention towards the regions, overcoming the centralised system of donorship.” I completely agree with Faisal on this part. However, I would suggest that Somalia may not need a unified national army. Every self-governing entity, including the secessionists, should be allocated to have a well-trained 2,000 strong police force. The future self-governing entities should be required and obligated to comply in order to prevent its rivals from feeling threatened and starting “an arms race.” The problem is that we are now assuming that smaller self-governing or federated states may usher good governance and democracy. But that may not happen. A case in point is Somaliland where Mr. Siilaanyo has recently declined to hold the periodic clan elections and has extended his stay in office illegally. Others might also follow suit and do the same in the future. It is especially dangerous when the leader of the entity starts heavily arming his clan in order to stay in office indefinitely.
    I already do see signs of that happening elsewhere in the country. This justifies my suggestion for a very limited (albeit a well-trained one) police force with term limits for elected officials and a constitution that cannot be amended.

    • Hersi Farah

      I agree with you that we do not need a powerful national army. Somalis haven’t truly reconciled yet and are still at each other’s loggerheads. We don’t want a so-called national army which falls into the wrong hands and ends up being used against other Somalis. Being an extremely poor nation, we also need to invest in education, healthcare and job creation; that is how we would improve our standards of living which would help reduce conflict in the long run. I am for a weak central government where much of the power rests with the regions. However, I also agree that the regions should be accountable to their citizens. The last thing we need is to see powerful regional warlords (we already have one in the North) who, as you said, arm their clans in order to suppress others in the region.

  2. Ali Bahar

    As I stated in my earlier comment, giving each tribe its own army forces, whose loyalty lies in that region only, entails a problem. Knowing Somalis, whenever a disagreement arises they will attack one another.
    Don’t we already have that in Somaliland, Puntland and Khatimo? These forces
    are loyal to these individual states (tribes). Tell me who protects the federal
    government they are proposing?

    The report touches on the need for the tribes (regions) to agree on the final model. The question is, how? on what roadmap, or platform?
    Where is Somaliland in all this? If they opted out participation, how do you make them come to the table? Puntland and Jubbaland stated their position and their problems; and they want to maintain the presence of AMISOM, and rightfully so because of the eminent danger that Al-shabab may overrun their forces. I believe other emerging regions in the South will be welcoming that idea of keeping AMISOM forces for a long time, or unless they are replaced by a strong national army… a long term plan.
    I suggest the national army should be built in all regions, while AMISOM is still there. I don’t understand why Puntland would advocate for federalism, and then insist on having her own army. They should advocate for building a strong national army in all regions that are willing to be part of the federal system. Otherwise, federalism becomes a hollow system,that has no teeth to enforce the federal laws.
    A lot to be resolved!

  3. mrsomali

    grass root solution is the only way as the somali patriotic mr Faisal roble stated

  4. Mohamed Ismail

    Dr. Bahar,
    I know in the long run your argument of having a federal army at the national level makes sense. However, I think given the uniqueness of the Somali situation, I am afraid you’re a little bit ahead of us. In today’s Somalia situation, you have on the one end of the spectrum, a clan which claims to have separated from the rest of the country and insists that they would have nothing with Somalia in the future (even though ironically they’re trying to force others in the region to join the clannish secession against their will), on the other end of the spectrum, you have a so-called former capital that had been clan cleansed two decades ago through genocide, and the clan which dominates that so-called capital are dreaming to have a highly centralized governing system where Mogadishu is the center of the universe- a la Siad Barre’s dictatorship. In the middle of the spectrum, you have Puntland and Jubbaland whose inhabitants bore the brunt of the genocide but do not want to dismember the nation, yet (given the horrific experience from the genocide) are deeply distrustful of a future centralized system based in Mogadishu.

    The question is how do you reconcile all these conflicting interests and find a middle ground that could bring everyone on board. My argument is at this juncture-given the deep mistrust among Somalis- we do not need an army at the national level. I think a highly trained police force may be sufficient for now to meet our security needs (I consider Al-Shabaab as a temporary phenomenon. We may emulate the Somaliland formula of “making peace with them.” Hopefully, they will share their secret formula with us and the rest of the world). In addition, we need to find a future national capital, because given Mogadishu’ past blood soaked dark history and its present demographic composition, it is better to find another city for the future seat of our government (we may even start one from scratch).

    A case in point I would like to share with you and the readers is when Hassan Culusow came to office had coincided when the present Jubbaland administration was established in Kismaayo. Serving the tribal sentiment of his clan, Mr. Culusow had used every tactic he could employ to frustrate the formation of Jubbaland even at some point working with Al-Shabaab to launch joint attacks in the hope of forcing Kenyans to withdraw their forces. Had Mr. Culusow had a federal army at the time, he would not have hesitated to use them against Jubbaland. A good comparison is the so-called Central Regions administration which is being established now. The Central Regions administration has only one region and a half. Mr. Culusow has spent a great deal of time and government resources trying to secure a federated state for his clan even though he knows that it doesn’t satisfy the constitutional requirement of at least two regions. In fact, a lot of observers see the signs of a potential conflict because Culusow’s clan wants to annex a large territory which belongs to Puntland. In this case, too, Mr. Culusow would not hesitate to lend federal troops to his clan if he had one. That is why it’s imperative to have only local police forces with no federal army (with the exception of a coast guard) in the foreseeable future.

    • Bashir

      I sense some desperation there Mohamed. What happened to all that old neo-darwish bravado? Or is that only reserved for your alter ego Hersi?

    • Ali Bahar

      Mohamed Ismail,

      I see the dilemma we are faced with. And I am also a strong
      advocate of removing the government institutions from Mogadishu to another
      state, if possible. Mogadishu lost that privilege when it failed to provide the
      security of her residents. They are people whose properties have been taken
      away by other residents. They still see their houses and properties in the
      hands of someone else. There is blood and pain in Mogadishu and it shouldn’t be
      rewarded to remain the capital.

      Why not relocate different government ministries and other institutions
      to different regions and let people have the chance to work for the federal
      government in all towns of the country? Each region should be asked to provide
      the security of these offices and institutions, and the federal government pays
      the employees. One should not be asked to go to Mogadishu to work for the
      federal government, where all resources are being dumped to now. We can build
      institutions everywhere in the country and create jobs, instead of arming every
      region under the false premises they are protecting regional borders. What
      borders? The lines being redrawn can be challenged easily, and war between two
      states can easily break out. Who is going to mediate if there is no strong federal
      government that protects the rights of all, not one region only? If one state
      starts suppressing the rights of its own population, they will create their own
      laws to justify their wrong doing, and no federal law can tell them otherwise.

      We need to seriously define why we are doing what we are
      proposing, without wrapping up ourselves with emotions, mistrust and tribal
      issues that will never build a nation.

      Thanks for the insight.


    • Mohamed Yusuf

      “…Puntland and Jubbaland whose inhabitants bore the brunt of the genocide but do not want to dismember the nation… “.Which genocide,dude?

  5. Bashiiir

    Siadist WDN moderators are afraid of debate. Why else do they allow such clan propaganda as ‘Somaliland made a deal with alshabaab’ smears to fly but take down the mildest of criticisms? You have shown your true Siadist colors WDN

  6. Bashiir

    The idea that western foreign intervention will succeed in a muslim majority country is just pure fantasy even with the fig leaf African union troops being used as cannon fodder. What`s even more absurd is putting your hopes in cash strapped African mercenaries like Uganda, Burundi, and Kenya to build you state institutions like a national army when they themselves are in it for the Western aid money. The reality is the mighty USA and its allies have utterly failed in all their recent interventions in the Muslim world from Afghanistan to Iraq to Libya and Mali. I would add Somalia to that list of failures as well. Even if they manage to build up a clan militia in Mogadisho which they later rebrand as the ‘somali national army’ it will be no more effective than the hundreds of thousands of US backed and trained Iraqi military that was recently routed by ISIS in Ramadi, Iraq. The simple reason being these are not forces that can fight on their own and have no morale to fight whatsoever beyond their little tribal or sectarian enclaves. That is the achilles heel of all these neoimperialist foreign interventions. They simply have no legitimacy and only last as long as the foreign money and troops are around. So if you think it will be somehow any different in Mogadisho then you are dreaming guys. If you are serious about building up a legitimate Somali security institutions in the long run then you have to lay down the foundations for it first. The first condition being rebuilding trust and confidence among and between Somali political actors and factions. For obvious reasons that can`t happen in south-central Somalia because of the presence of foreign troops but it is quite possible in Somaliland and Puntland if there is the political will. A good start would be joint Puntland-Somaliland patrols against Alshabaab in the Galgala mountains and anti-piracy patrols along the coast which in turn would build confidence between the two administrations and from there go on to joint training and even include others like Galmudug and Himin and Heeb. This is way more realistic and quite achievable if there is goodwill. But first some people will have to let go of their fantasies of leveraging foreign intervention to advance their clan agenda and instead deal with reality as it is in the former Somali Republic.

    • Hersi Farah

      “A good start would be joint Puntland-Somaliland patrols against
      Alshabaab in the Galgala Mountains…” What a gibberish! As the main incubator that produces the hatchlings, asking Somaliland to join the so-called patrols you mention here is akin to asking a hyena to protect your livestock from predators.

      • Bashiir

        You must be mistaking Somaliland for your cousin Gaas and Puntland`s ‘catch and release’ policy regarding alshabaab and this is according to the UN Monitoring Report. So incubate on this:

        The 8-member panel of UN investigators further spotlighted the increasing threat by beleaguered Islamist militants to the state’s peace, Al Shabaab infiltration into low-morale Puntland Forces, frailty of security apparatuses and Gaas’ links with top pirate leaders.

        Citing poor cooperation from Puntland presidency and consistent stumbling block by President Gaas himself, UN monitors say:” The Puntland authorities hindrance is indicative of its apparent unwillingness to robustly address the threat of Al-Shabaab”.

        Chief of cabinet at President’s Office, Deeq Sulieman Yusuf was initially in contact with the UN investigators but shortly after the cooperation became suspended, the group unveiled that they were again confronted with repeated efforts by the Puntland authorities, in particular the President, to obstruct its investigations into Al-Shabaab activities, both within the territory of Puntland and beyond.

        According to independent experts, among the four issues that contributed to the increasing presence of Islamist insurgents in Galgala area and other hideouts along Golis Mountain Ranges are ‘catch and release’ policy adopted by Ali, demoralized army troops, militants unprecedented pullout in south-central hotbeds and reconfiguration of Al Shabaab Northeast political leadership.

        “During in the past year, increasing evidence indicates that Al-Shabaab has also successfully attempted to infiltrate the Government of Puntland,” read the UN report.” In Puntland, Al-Shabaab has used its infiltration to conduct offensive action, such as surveillance of United Nations compounds, and in one instance as a sanctuary for carrying out an operation against a regional Member State”.

        Bari Regional Police Commander killing

        UN report exposed that Al Shabaab suicide bomber- the killer of Bari regional police commander Abdirahman Ali Abas (Muslim) on August 4- who was identified as Mohamed Abukar Zubayr comes from the same clan as Puntland leader and was possibly released on presidential pardon.

        “While information surrounding Mohamed Abukar’s release is unclear, credible information obtained from multiple sources, including diplomatic and senior Puntland officials suggests he was released either by the Police or granted amnesty by President Abdiweli in 2014,” the report note

      • Bashiir

        More evidence of Puntland`s collusion with Alshabaab terrorists:

        Among the Al-Shabaab recruits for the plot was a Nairobi-based “Aminyat”
        called “Pimp”. 69 In the interviews with the Monitoring Group, “Pimp” claimed that
        he was member of the PSF, a fact also confirmed by the Government of Puntland officially. 70 Credible and corroborating evidence also suggests that while “Pimp”
        was serving as a member of PSF, and before being deployed by Al-Shabaab to the
        neighbouring regional Member State, 71 he had been routinely collecting information
        on PSF activities.72 Unconfirmed information provided by “Pimp’s” accomplice
        suggests that he may have had operational links with a known ASNE commander,
        Khalid Jama Nur. 73 Following “Pimp’s” arrest in 2013 for his involvement in the
        regional plot, the Government of Puntland has consistently raised the issue of
        “Pimp’s” immunity as a member of the PSF. 7

        While the Monitoring Group was provided the named “Khalid Jama Nur”, it is unable to confirm
        if this is the same Khalid Jama Nur described in its annex 6.6 on smuggling of IED equipment.
        It, however, notes both Khalid Jama Nur and “Pimp” are Majerteen.
        74 During the course of the mandate, credible information obtained by the Puntland authorities
        indicates President Abdiweli has repeatedly attempted to secure the release of “Pimp” in spite of
        being fully briefed on “Pimp’s” activities.

      • Bashiir

        UN Monitoring Report of 2014 says this about Puntland and Abdiweli in particular however no accusations against Somaliland so I guess its back to the Starbucks rumor mill again eh Hersi LOL:

        Annex 1.4: Al-Shabaab in Puntland
        17. While the Monitoring Group enjoyed extensive facilitation and cooperation
        from the Puntland authorities during its previous mandate, such cooperation and
        facilitation was not extended to the Group by the office of President Abdiweli
        Mohamed Ali Gaas this mandate. 42 The office of President Abdiweli has
        consistently declined to cooperate with the Monitoring with regards to its
        investigations into Al-Shabaab.43 In many instances, this has been through
        hindering investigations by offering protection to persons of interest, 44 and in one
        case abetting the activities of an Al-Shabaab regional “Aminyat” who had infiltrated
        the Puntland Security Forces (PSF) as part of a terrorist attack against a regional
        Member State in late 2013. 45
        18. The Puntland authorities hindrance is indicative of its apparent unwillingness
        to robustly address the threat of Al-Shabaab.46 Likewise, the Monitoring Group has
        observed an increased presence and movement of Al-Shabaab Northeast (ASNE)
        throughout Puntland, in particular the regions of Bari, Mudug and Nugaal. 47 There
        are four potential reasons for the increased presence of Al-Shabaab in Puntland.

  7. Hersi Farah

    Ninka hoosta wax ku qorqoraya waxaan u sheegayaa akhristayaashaa judge inoo noqonaya markay daawadaan labada fiidiyow ee halkan ka muuqda.
    Dadka Boosaaso lagu soo dhoweynayaa waa dad Soomaaliyeed oo Reer Koonfureed ah oo si fiican dadka iyo dawladda degaankuba ugu gurmadeen, balse barbar dhiga sawirkan kale:
    Bal nasiib darradan nala daawada. Waa dad Soomaaliyeed oo loo diiddan yahay in dalkoodii ka soo degaan.

    Bal barbar dhiga sida dadkan Boosaaso loogu soo dhoweeyey! Fadlan riix cinwaankan. Waxaad arki karaysaan how grateful and thankful they are! Balse barbardhiga umulaha kulaylkaa lagu hayo markab dushii ee loo diiddan yahay inay dalkoodii ku soo degaan!!!

  8. Gabobe

    Somaliland Delegation to Visit Mogadishu in Historic Trip.

    Published On 23 Sep 2011

    Mogadisho: HN: Somaliland plans to send a delegation to Somalia’s capital Mogadishu on Saturday, in what would mark the breakaway region’s first official visit there in more than 20 years.

    During a news conference Thursday, Somaliland Vice President Abdirahman Saylici downplayed any political significance, saying the trip is purely humanitarian.

    The delegation plans to deliver money to help Somali drought and famine victims. Somaliland’s trade, industry and tourism minister, Abdirisaq Khalif, said his region’s people have raised $700,000.

    A second delegation from Somaliland will visit Kenya’s massive Dadaab refugee complex near the Somali border on Saturday. Dadaab is home to more than 400,000 Somali refugees.

    Somaliland declared independence from Somalia in 1991, but is not recognized by any nation. The region runs its own affairs and has existed in relative peace and stability for two decades.

    Somalia, in contrast, has been wracked by 20 years of chaos and conflict since warlords overthrew dictator Mohammed Siad Barre in 1991.


  9. Gabobe

    Qaxootiga Yaa Siyaasadeeyey? Fariin Ku Socota Qof Kasta Oo Ka Faallooday.

    Muuqaalka Hooyooyin dul saaran markab isla markaana ku calaacalaya in dhulkoodii loo diiday, haddii taasi lagu adkaystana isdilaya, waa dhacdo aad u xanuun kulul oo runtii aan aad uga damqaday, waxaa isla markiiba buux dhaafiyey kumanaan fariimood oo dhalinyarada reer Somaliland hor boodayaan oo lagu dhaleecaynayo go’aanka xukuumadda Somaliland qaadatay.

    Waa dhab oo waa arrin la dhaleeceeyo laakiin bal aynu ka gungaadhno xaqiiqooyinka ku hareeraysan dhacdadan markaas ka dib waxaad dib ugu soo noqotaa dulucda faallooyinkii aad bixisay.

    Bini’aadantinimo la siyaasadeeyey:

    Qaxootiga cidda ugu waayo aragsani waa Somaliland, waana sababta ay horseedka iyo halbeega ugu yihiin gobanimada, xaggee haddaba wax ka khaldameen? Somaliland kumanaan qaxooti ah oo hore ayay si sharaf leh u soo dhoweysay, gacmo furan ayay ku qaabishay, waxaa markiiba soo gurmaday hay’adaha caalamiga ah oo gacansiinaya qaxootiga, iyada oo xaalku sidaas yahay ayaa dawladda Somalia waxay sheegatay dhammaan wixii Somaliland qabatay, waana arrin duuban, intaas kuma joogin ee waxay si rasmi ah u iclaamisay inay tahay cidda soo dhoweynaysaa Dawladda Federaalka ah Qaxootiga ka degaya magaalada Berbera, waxay weliba sii raaciyeen inay iyagu maamulka dekedda gacanta ku hayaan, arrinta oo halkaas maraysa ayay haddana ficil ku dareen oo waxay Berbera ka soo dejiyeen markab uu kireeyey Baarlamaanka Federalkaa ah, waxaa dadka qaxootiga ah oo u badnaa reer Somalia ay codsadeen in laga dejiyo Muqdisho laakiin waa loo diiday oo waxay dhaheen Berbera ayaa laydinka Dejinayaa, iyaga oo dunida u tusaya inay Dekeddoodii tahay, way ka soo dejiyeen haddana intaas kuma joogin ee Wasiirka Arrimaha Gudaha ayaa si jeesjeesa u bahdilay Somaliland, qodobkaas oo taagan ayay haddana waxay amar ku siiyeen hay’adaha caawimada bixinayey in dadkan loo aqoonsado Barakacayaal ee aan Qaxooti loogu yeedhin, isla markaana wixii Mucaawano ah Xamar la marsiiyo si Somaliland u hoostagto Muqdisho.

    Haddaba Akhriste marka intaas lagugu sameeyo maxaad samayn lahayd? kaba soo qaad waxaad tidhi annagaa caawinayna, waa sida aan aniguba samayn lahaa oo gobanimada qaadan lahaa, qorshaha fog ee dawladda Somalia, wuu ka durugsan yahay Qaxooti la keeno Somaliland laakiin waa in Somaliland laga abuuro xasilooni darro, waxaad isweydiinay sidee arrintaasi u suuro gelaysaa?.

    Waxay ku talo galeen inaan dadka Soomaaliyeed ee ka soo cararaya dagaallada Yemen la geyn xeryo gaar ah, taas bedelkeeda lagu sii dhex daayo magaalooyinka, qof og in magaaladiisii gubanayso miyuu dhaafayaa ayay kula tahay magaalo nabdoon marka lagu sii dhexdaayo? haddiiba la is dhaho is dhaafiya yaa kala saari karaya qofka Xamar u dhashay iyo kan reer Somaliland waa isku muuqaal? Dawladda Somaliya qorsheheeda ayaa ah in Somaliland laga dejiyo illaa 100,000 oo qaxooti ah oo ay ku dhex dhuuman karaan kooxaha argagixisada ahi, ka waran dadkaas oo Berbera ka soo degey oo ay ku soo dhuunteen kooxo argagixiso ahi, iyada oo aad doorashooyin ku jirto? bal caqliga la innala ciyaarayo eega? adigaan ku weydiiyee Somaliland diyaar ma u tahay ama awoodeeda ma leedahay ay ku kala hufto 100,000 oo qaxooti ah. la soco hadhow haddaad dad xidhxidho waxaa kugu qaylinaya qolada Xamar oo dhahaya qaxootigii ayay cabudhinayaan sida ay iminkaba samaynayaan. aan halkaas suaal kugu dhaafo markaas ma Somaliland ayaa Qaxootiga Siyaasadaysay mise Somalia?

    Qaxootiga miyaa la celiyey? Muuqaalka la Faafiyey maxaa ka Jira?

    Waxaad dhegaysataan Waraysiga Guddomiyaha Berbera uu siiyey VOA, sidoo kale waxaad waraysataan dadka reer Berbera, sidoo kale waxaad raadisaan Qaxootiga soo degey laftooda, dadkan muuqaalka laga duubay muddo laba saacadood ku siman ayaa markabka lagu celiyey, waxaana laga doodayey halkii la dejin lahaa, waayo dadka reer Somaliland toos isu debera ayaa lagu dhahay laakiin dadkan iyaga in meel la dejiyo isla markaana laga fekero wixii ay cuni lahaayeen ayaa la waday, iyada oo taas lagu maqan yahay ayaa Telefiishanka uu share-ka ku leeyahay Madaxweynaha Somalia Xasan Sheekh ee Somali Channel oo mar hore la sii diyaariyey wuxuu u dhuuntay qaxootigii, wuxuuna ka duubay muuqaallo, waxaad isweydiisaan warbaahin kala duwan ayaa joogtay ee maxay warkan u heli waayeen?

    Somali Channel waa telefiishanka keliya ee baahiyey, Somali Channel waa telefiishanka astaanta ka dhigtay sawirka Madaxweynaha Somalia markii la dooranayey, Somali Channel waa telefiishanka Madaxweyne Xasan uu siiyo waraysiyada iyo fursadaha ugu badan. waana cidda faafisay muuqaalladan.

    Dekedda Berbera:

    Wasiirka Arrimaha Debedda waraysi uu siiyey VOA 29/5/2015 wuxuu ku sheegay in dekedda Berbera ay dadku khasab kaga degayaan, wuxuu sheegay inay iyagu maamulayaan, Wasiirka Arrimaha Gudaha Somalia si taas la mid ah, intaasi waa dooddii siyaasiga ahayd ee ay awelba akhriyi jireen Madaxda Somalia laakiin sheekada layaabka leh ayaa ah, si dawladda Somalia ay isugu dhufato Somaliland iyo Ethiopia waxay heshiis kula gashay dalka Masar inay ka shaqeeyaan Dekedda Berbera oo ay wax ka qabtaan, waxaa heshiiskaas gaadhay Wasiirka Kalluumaysiga ee Somalia, bal adiga ayaan ku weydiiyee sidee Deked aanay maamulin heshiis ugu geli karaan? markay Masar heshiis u saxeexayaan maxay u jeedaan?

    Haddaba Dhalinyarada jecel qaranimada Somaliland waxaan leeyahay, waxaad kala saartaan dareenka caadifadda leh iyo weliba qaranimada dalka, waxaad ogaataan laba islaamood oo gaajooday ayaad ka cadhooteen ee in qarankan loo huray nafo badan, waxaad ogaataan dadkan aad u cadhoonaysaan inaanay qadarin wanaagiina, bal car waxaad soo heshaan qof Somaliland ku ammaanaya dareenka shacabka somaliland arrintan ka muujiyey? waxaad soo heshaan qof reer Xamar ah oo si niyad ah uga xun kumanaankii reer Somaliland ee la xasuuqay? waxaad ii sheegtaa qof reer Muqdisho ah oo ka xun Xildhibaan u dhashay Somaliland hase ahaatee u shaqo tegey Xamar oo suuqa badhtankiisa ay ciidamadii dawladdu ku dhex dileen cid tidhaahda cadaalad darrada hala joojiyo? bal waxaad ii sheegtaa qofka keliya ee reer Xamara ee ka hadli kara kumanaanka guri ee ay khasabka ku haystaan.

    Waan ku faanayaa gobanimada laakiin faallooyinka aynu ku darno hubsiimo, aynu ogaano waxa aynu ka faalloonayno, haddii kale berri waxaynu taageeraynaa Wasiirka Kalluumaysiga Somalia ee Masar la soo saxeexday inuu iibiyo dekedda Berbera, intuu muuqaal innoo duubo ayaynu hor boodi doonaa.

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