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Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea 2013

Summary

More broadly in Somalia, several spoiler networks have emerged. In northern Somalia, with the general decline of pirate activity a network of individuals, including known pirate leaders, is engaged in providing private security forunlicensed fishing vessels in Somali waters and is connected to weapons smuggling and Al-Shabaab networks in north-eastern Somalia.  In the east-central region of Galmudug, a “former” Mogadishu warlord, Abdi Hassan Awale “Qeybdiid”, has returned to prominence by appropriating political power and instigating clan conflict, thereby undermining the Federal Government and threatening security in the northern region of “Puntland”. In southern Somalia, two core groups of spoilers are either aligned against or in favour of the Federal Government. Sheikh Ahmed Mohamed Islam “Madobe” and his Ras Kamboni forces, with Kenyan support, have established their own military presence in Kismaayo in opposition to the central Government, while a group of Hawiye/Habar Gedir/Ayr warlords and their allies in the Darod/Marehan network of Barre Adan Shire “Hiiraale” are acting as proxies forthe central Government, but pursing their own individual and clan-based agendas. Both spoiler groups have interests that intersect with those of Al-Shabaab.

With the decline in the number of pirate incidents, organized criminal networks and individuals are diversifying their financial interests by undertaking different ventures, including providing armed protection aboard vessels involved in regional trade or fishing activities. While piracy may be contained at sea, the various pirate networks remain active. In the persisting absence of serious national and international efforts to investigate, prosecute or sanction those responsible for organizing Somali piracy, the leaders, financiers, negotiators and facilitators will continue to operate with impunity. Of particular concern in this context are the steps taken by the Federal Government towards a policy of amnesty.

Despite the change in leadership in Mogadishu, the misappropriation of public resources continues in line with past practices. The campaign financing structure of the 2012 elections recycled funds derived from external and internal sources to distort the political system. Notably, public financial management efforts to redirect Government revenues to the Central Bank proved to be serving a flawed objective.On average, some 80 per cent of withdrawals from the Central Bank are made for private purposes and not for the running of Government, representing a patronage system and a set of social relations that defy the institutionalization of the State. In this context, the fiduciary agency managed by PricewaterhouseCoopers was reduced to a transfer agent that could not ensure accountability of funds once they reached the Government of Somalia. Indeed, of 16.9 million transferred by PricewaterhouseCoopers to the Central Bank, US$ 12 million could not be traced.

Key to these irregularities has been the current Governor of the Central Bank, Abdusalam Omer. In addition, the production of the national passport continues to be fraught with fraud and corruption, undermining the integrity of the national travel document. While more customs and port fee revenues from Mogadishu port have been deposited into the Central Bank, they are proportionally less than the increase in shipping traffic, and a monthly average of at least 33 per cent cannot be accounted for. At present, the emergence of significant oil interests in Somalia and the region risks exacerbating political tensions in Somalia, undermining coordination between federal and regional administrations and threatening peace and security in the country.

Despite the relaxation of the arms embargo for the Federal Government of Somalia, a variety of violations persist. The patterns of arms shipments to Somalia remain similar to those of previous years, with smuggling networks able to exploit a number of small ports around the coast of Somalia and supply routes between the northern and southern parts of the country. In addition, concerns over command and control within AMISOM and Kenyan forces, as well as support to Somali proxies by the Government of Ethiopia outside any exemption, remain unresolved issues.

Generally, there has been an improvement by Member States in complying with procedures of the arms embargo, although the Federal Government has yet to fulfill its obligations under the revised regime. The activities of private security companies continue to grow, at times in violation of the arms embargo. Despite improved access in certain areas of the country, access to vulnerable civilians remains a challenge for the humanitarian community, and all parties in Somalia continue to obstruct the provision of humanitarian assistance. Al-Shabaab maintained and expanded its ban on most aid agencies in areas under its control, while all actors in Somalia subjected humanitarian organizations to taxation, illegal roadblocks, intimidation and extortion. Moreover, as a consequence of both remote management by aid agencies in Nairobi and the culture of “gatekeepers”, diversion of humanitarian assistance by third parties, as well as by staff and partners of aid organizations, continues to undermine international efforts.

Throughout Somalia, all parties to the conflict continue to violate international humanitarian law and human rights standards.

Read more : United Nations Monitoring Group Report


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